Tuesday, December 24, 2019

C.S. Lewis and The Humanitarian Theory of Punishment

C.S. Lewis argues against the humanitarian framework for punishment saying that, â€Å"The Humanitarian theory removes from punishment the concept of Deserts. But the concept of deserts is the only connecting link between punishment and justice† (C.S. Lewis). He is correct that the humanitarian framework does remove the concept of deserts, and that there is a connecting link between justice and punishment. However, he is wrong in suggesting that humans should only be seen through a retributive framework for punishment. A humanitarian framework and a retributive framework have different requirements that must be met in order for them to justify punishment. In a humanitarian framework an agent must be a rational agent. In a retributive framework it is required that an agent be morally responsible. Lewis is arguing that humans are moral agents, and should therefore be seen through a retributive framework. He is correct. Humans are moral agents, but that is not all. Humans are als o rational agents, as a humanitarian framework suggest. Lewis is correct in rejecting a humanitarian framework for not taking into account the moral nature of humans, but with his retributive framework, he fails to take into account the rational nature of humans. It is possible to justify capital punishment under both frameworks, but neither framework would take into account both sides of human nature, and fail to truly be just. The humanitarian framework is a consequentialist framework. It is futureShow MoreRelatedDylan Pidich. Boston College Philosophy. . Does The Retributive1408 Words   |  6 Pagesretributive theory of punishment deter crime? â€Å"We demand of a deterrent not whether it is just but whether it will deter. We demand of a cure not whether it is just but whether it succeeds. Thus when we cease to consider what the criminal deserves and consider only what will cure him or deter others, we have tacitly removed him from the sphere of justice altogether; instead of a person, a subject of rights, we now have a mere object, a patient, a ‘case’.† C.S. Lewis C.S. Lewis wants us to believeRead MoreDoes The American System Of Justice Need Reform To Ensure3969 Words   |  16 Pages 12.) James Downie. â€Å"Yes, the American justice system is broken† December 5, 2014 –L https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2014/12/05/yes-the-american-justice-system-is-broken/?utm_term=.39d5a202b69f 13.) Carolyn Lamm. â€Å"Does the Punishment Always Fit the Crime† Sep 8, 2009 12:01 PM –M http://www.rollcall.com/news/-38264-1.html 14.) Mary Whisner, Reference Librarian, whisner [at] uw.edu â€Å"Race In The Criminal Justice System† Jan. 31, 2011. Updated April 30, 2015. –N https://lib.law

Sunday, December 15, 2019

China Export Strategy Free Essays

string(34) " between the center and province\." China’s Export Strategy: What Can We Learn From It? Arvind Panagariya As much as by luck as by design, China stumbled onto an export and foreign investment strategy that has proved remarkably successful, helping the economy move quickly to a market-based system. experience serve as a model for other countries? But can the Chinese After three decades of inward-oriented trade and foreign investment policies, in 1979, China switched course and launched an â€Å"open-door† policy. During the 15 years that have elapsed since then, the country has ersistently, albeit gradually, liberalized its trade and foreign investment regime. We will write a custom essay sample on China Export Strategy or any similar topic only for you Order Now This has been accompanied by a spectacular growth in GDP and During 1980-90, GDP grew annually at an impressive rate of Over the same period, exports grew at an annual rate of 11 foreign trade. 9. 5 percent. percent–more than twice as fast as world trade–and imports 9. 8 percent. More recently, in 1992 and 1993, GDP has shown annual growth rates exceeding 13 percent. The annual growth in exports and imports during these two years has been 13 percent and 27 percent, respectively. What are the key trade and foreign investment policies that have led to this dramatic growth in China’s foreign trade and GDP? And what lessons can we derive from China’s experience for other economies in transition? (see box)? In the following, we examine the nature of reforms and why they worked well or poorly in particular cases. Though this study focuses on external economic policies, it is important to remember that the promotion of non-state enterprises has closely complemented China’s outward-oriented – 2 strategy. These enterprises, owned collectively by local authorities in urban areas, townships or villages, enjoy a high degree of autonomy in their operations. Consequently, they have been most successful in taking advantage of the outward-oriented strategy. Promoting an â€Å"export culture† On the external front, three factors combined to give rise to China’s success: adoption of an aggressive pro-export strategy by central authorities, active participation of local authorities and the presence of Hong Kong and Taiwanese investors looking for a source of cheap labor. With he beginning of the open-door policy, the central authorities began sending clear signals in favor of an export-oriented trade regime. A variety of instruments were employed to promote what may be called an â€Å"export culture†: geographical targeting, sectoral targeting, a liberal foreign investment regime, and liberal provision of export financing. Geographical targeting. China set up the so-called Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and Open Cities within which economic activities– manufacturing, banking, exporting and importing, and foreign investment-took place in a more liberal environment than is available in the rest of the economy. These zones helped to serve as focal points for investment from both domestic and foreign sources and to allow China to develop links with the world market, brought in part, by Hong Kong and Taiwanese entrepreneurs. Originally there were only a handful of such zones, all in Guangdong and Fujian provinces. Over time, many features of SEZs were extended to other cities. Two features of SEZs distinguish them from the rest of the country. First, the SEZs enjoy considerable administrative autonomy in the – 3 areas of investment, pricing, taxation, housing, and labor and land management policies. require virtually no Most foreign investments can be approved locally and central clearance. Second, the SEZs offer many The economic incentives to investors not available in the inland provinces. corporate income tax, normally 33 percent for foreign funded enterprises and 55 percent for state owned enterprises, is 15 percent for all enterprises in the SEZs. All imported inputs used in exports or sold within the Zones are In addition, tax holidays free of import duty and other indirect taxes. available to foreign funded enterprises are more generous in the SEZs than those available under the national tax legislation. Depending on the amount of investment, nature of the technology, and duration of the project, tax holidays of up to five years are available. The SEZs and open cities exhibited spectacular economic performance. In 1979, the three SEZs in Guangdong were small fishing villages with virtually no industrial activity. transformed into modern cities. By the end of 1980s, they had been In 1990, the SEZs and open cities accounted for 52% of total realized investment and more than half of total exports. During 1985-90, industrial output in Guangdong and Fujian grew at annual rates of 16% and 14. % compared with 6. 9% in the rest of the economy. Sectoral targeting. Side by side with geographical targeting, China has also engaged in sectoral targeting for exports. Targeted sectors, chosen at a broad level, have included light industrial products, textiles, and machinery and electronic goods. The most important instruments of targeting were production networks for exports (PNEs) and higher excha nge retention rights to targeted sectors. – 4 The Seventh Five Year Plan (1986-90) provided for the creation of PNEs. The idea was to bring the leading factories within the targeted ector into a network and support them through subsidies for technological upgrading, guaranteed supplies of raw materials and power, preferential access to transportation, attractive purchase prices for their goods, and higher exchange-retention rights than other enterprises in the same industry. The aim of the networks was to expand both the quailty and quantity of exports of the participating factories. The first industry group to benefit from this scheme was machinery and electronic goods. PNEs have also been created in light industrial products and textiles, and farm and sideline products. Rights to foreign exchange generated by exports are shared between the central and provincial governments. For targeted sectors, the allocation of retention rights was more favorable to the province and the foreign trade corporations (FTCs), which procure and export more than 80 percent of China’s exports. In the case of light industries, arts craft, and knitwear, foreign exchange was divided in the ratio of 20:80 between the center and province. You read "China Export Strategy" in category "Papers" Similarly, in machinery and electronic goods, for within-quota exports, the split between the center and provinces was 35:65. Though the retention rights have been revised recently, the bias in favor of FTCs has been retained. From the available data, it is difficult to judge the impact of sectoral targeting primarily because it was broad based. textiles and light industrial products in total exports The share of did expand significantly after 1985. But the effect on machinery sector is less clear. – 5 Overall, one thing which is clear, however, is that the export share of labor intensive sector has gone up in the latter half of 1980s. export shares of heavy and light industries were 47. % In 1982, 37. 6%, and respectively, in 1982. 52. 9%. By 1989, these shares had changed to 31. 9% and Liberal foreign investment regime. China’s striking export performance is related to the size of foreign direct investment flows into the country (see table). Foreign investors have been lured to the Chinese market for three reasons. First, both policies and procedures have been designed to facilitate foreign investment. A 25 percent foreign investment gives an enterprise the At status of a joint venture and qualifies it for various tax incentives. he same time, foreign equity investment can rise all the way up to 100 percent. Restrictions on the choice of sectors are minimal; any preferences, sectoral or otherwise, take the form of extra incentives. As a result, joint ventures have been established in sectors ranging from hightechnology to consumer goods, services, and raw materials. lower or upper limit on the amount of foreign investment. There is no In large open cities such as Shanghai, foreign investment projects up to $30 million can be approved by local authorities. The limit in smaller open cities is $10 This autonomy has illion while that in unopened cities is $3 million. greatly simplified the approval procedures. Second, employment, wage and pricing policies for joint ventures are flexible. contractual Joint ventures are free to employ any required personnel on a basis. Emplo yees are subject to warnings, wage cuts and – 6 dismissal. Except for a few product categories for which prices are set by the state, joint ventures are free to set their prices both domestically and abroad. Products or services for which prices are fixed are of two types. In the first category, prices are completely fixed (e. . , products such as grain, oil, and fuel; and services such as electricity and rent). In the second category, prices are allowed to fluctuate within prespecified bands usually ranging from 10 to 30 percent (e. g. , steel, cement, timber, coal and other major capital goods). Finally, China has given extra incentives to joint ventures. As already discussed, these incentives are particularly generous in the SEZs and open cities. Since 1986, additional preferential treatment has been The available to export-oriented or technologically advanced projects. ncentives include: o Exemption from state subsidies paid to employees to cover the benefits provided by the government of China; o Priority in obtaining Bank of China loans; o Tax exemption on profits remitted abroad; o Longer tax holidays from corporate income tax; o Extra tax benefits on profits reinvested in export-oriented or technologically advanced projects; and o Further reduced land-use fees, priority in obtaining utilities, transport, and communication facilities. Duty exemptions. China has also instituted an elaborate system of Under these schemes, uty exemptions on imported inputs used in exports. the concessional share of imports was 35 percent in 1988 and rose to 50 – 7 percent in 1991. played an The schemes, introduced in 1984 or later, seem to have role in expanding China’s exports. Total exports important associated with concessional import arrangements account for 64 percent of China’s manufactured exports. These exports doubled between 1988 and 1991. The domestic value added of these exports is, of course, lower than of other exports. Export fina ncing. Ready access to export credits is believed to ontribute favorably to export performance. The Bank of China, which is the primary bank dealing in foreign exchange, provides trade credits. Credit, offered in domestic currency, is available for working capital as well as fixed investment for the production of exports and import substitutes. main beneficiaries of these credits are FTCs. of total trade credits in 1991. The They accounted for 85 percent The Bank of China also offers loans in terms of foreign exchange, primarily to enterprises in which foreigners have invested, for working capital and fixed investment. Though contributing favorably to exports, the liberal credit policy has led to a rapid expansion of outstanding loans. The total volume of outstanding trade loans at the end of 1991 was more than three time that at the end of 1985. In part, this expansion was due to the growth of exports. But perhaps it also reflects a rising ratio of export credit to total exports. According to one calculation, this ratio was 150 percent in 1988. The Hong Kong connection A key element in China’s success in the world markets so-called â€Å"Hong Kong connection†. as been the In the mid-1980s, Hong Kong entrepreneurs began shifting manufacturing facilities to China, attracted by lower labor – 8 costs as wages rose rapidly at home. This link with Hong Kong has not only brought much needed capital to China but also supplied new technology, modern management practices and critical links to the world market. Today more than half of China’s exports to the rest of the world are h andled by Hong Kong. Of the $45 billion in cumulative foreign investment commitments to China through 1992, 70 percent came from Hong Kong. This investment went mainly to export-oriented joint ventures. A large proportion of Guangdong’s export production is supervised under contract by firms in Hong Kong. Processing activity for exports in Guangdong is also carried out largely in collaboration with partners in Hong Kong who supply materials. Many items, particularly in the toy and clothing sectors, which were previously exported by Hong Kong are now exported by Guangdong. Local policies China’s economic system is highly decentralized now and the implementation of policy is largely under the control of provinces. Hence, in the fast-growing provinces, provincial and local officials have been deeply involved in the development process in general and export promotion in particular. The role of local authorities in facilitating foreign investment has been described earlier. In addition, there are a number of ways in which local authorities promote exports. First, the center gives mandatory targets or export quotas for only a limited number of items or in limited volumes. But in some provinces, for Moreover, example Jiangsu, the export-quota-system is far more elaborate. aking advantage of their monopsony power, FTCs are able to buy goods from enterprises at prices well below the corresponding domestic prices. Though – 9 the economic desirability of â€Å"exports at any cost† has been questioned, the FTCs have certainly been able to operate profitably on account of the monopsony power. Second, operating within the center’s guidelines, provincial authorities have been expanding Direct Export Rights (DERs) to enterprises. Because the criteria for obtaining such rights are stringent, the DERs have not expanded as rapidly as would have been desirable, however. ith DERs account for only 5% of China’s exports. Third, within the State’s guidelines, provincial and city governments decide the allocation of raw materials imported by using locally retained foreign exchange earnings among enterprises, collectives and TVEs and across different sectors. Provinces and cities also provide indirect export Enterprises subsidies through the provision of critical inputs such as electric power to export oriented enterprises. higher bonuses for Further incentives are provided in the form of and employees on the basis of export managers erformance. Within the guidelines laid down by the State, provinces can confer rights to trade directly upon enterprises and enterprise groups. Finally, local authorities establish joint ventures between FTCs and enterprises to pr omote exports. established 160 of these ventures. establish another 200 such ventures. The central lesson Perhaps the most important lesson, also consistent with the experience of other East Asian countries such as Korea, Taiwan Province of China, During the Seventh Plan, Wuxi City alone In the Eighth Plan, the city intended to 10 Singapore and now Thailand, is that the key to high GDP growth rates is export orientation and eventual success in the world market. The success in export expansion, in turn, depends on the policy package, which conveys a message in no uncertain terms that, rather than shelter import competing industries, the country will give priority to export oriented activities. China benefitted greatly from the clarity of signals sent by its policy reforms. Once the reform process began, there was rarely any doubt Despite occasional policy reversals, provincial and about its direction. ity governments, which implemented policies and enterprises, both state and nonstat e, were convinced that the country was headed towards an export oriented regime. geographical In terms of static efficiency, virtually all policies-preferential treatment of foreign investment in targeting, general and in export sectors in particular, and discriminatory exchange retention rights–were highly distortionary. Yet, they combined to give a loud and clear signal that the government was determined to change the economy’s orientation away from import substitution to export promotion. – 11 – Box Can India benefit from China’s experience? Operationally, the Chinese model is not very applicable to the economies of Eastern Europe or the former Soviet Union. These countries have largely rejected the planning model, which has remained an integral part of the Chinese development strategy. The countries in Eastern Europe The have already evolved far closer to the market model than China. countries emerging out of the former Soviet Union, on the other hand, are still struggling with the problem of macroeconomic stabilization. The country for which the Chinese experience is most relevant is India. Both are highly populous and, by developing-country standards, large economies. They began their development process approximately at the same time and stressed self-reliance. Both relied increasingly heavily on import substitution policies and ended up with a highly capital intensive production structure. China changed course in 1979 while India continued (with modest liberalization) on the old course. In 1991, in many ways, India stood where China stood in 1979. China’s in 1979. Import and The trade-to-GDP ratio was the same as controls were rampant and the investment domestic currency was overvalued. Despite these similarities, even in India’s case, lessons from China are limited. In addition to the obvious differences in political systems which lead to very different political-economy processes in the two countries, there are three reasons for this. has been highly interventionist. been in China and elsewhere in First, the Chinese approach This approach can be successful–as it has East Asia–provided the government can – 12 implement â€Å"right† interventions judiciously. India’s experience during the Second, India’s last four decades in this respect has not been encouraging. conomy has already evolved far closer to a market economy than that of China. have For instance, export targets and foreign exchange contracts, which helped create a pro-exports ethos in China are neither arguably desirable nor feasible in India. greater role in India than in China. Similarly, private sector plays a far Finally, India has already carried out For example, in the area of many reforms that China is still contemplating. exchange rate, China has a multiple exchange rate system and its exchange market is not organized along the lines of market economies. India has chieved virtual current account convertibility and its foreign exchange market is organized along modern lines. Of the lessons that have general relevance to India, the following points would seem to be the most pertinent. o First, creating a liberal and flexible economic environment along the lines of SEZs in China would stimulate greater foreign investment. The country can begin with a small number of cities–e. g. , Bombay, Bangalore, Cochin, and Madras–and, as in China, local governments may be given full authority to approve foreign investment up to a certain limit. Most important, rules of entry and exit in the zones can be made more flexible. Because these zones will be introduced in limited areas with a high growth potential, political consensus may be easier, even if this requires new legislation. Eventual success in the open zones may open the way for Currently, India does have export political consensus on a wider scale. processing zones. But the geographical area over which such zones operate – 13 is far too limited to allow for the full play of liberal policies and make them focal points of investment activity. Second, provision of infrastructure facilities through active In participation of local authorities in the reform process is critical. the fast growing provinces in China, local authorities–especially mayors of the cities–have been deeply involved in the process of development. They try to ensure that investors get speedy clearance with respect to land use, supply of electricity, water and other facilities. In India, so far, it seems that the enthusiasm for reforms has not filtered to state governments and the center may well have to take a lead in this regard, offering both carrot and stick. All incentives and reforms at the central level can be rendered ineffective if the state and local authorities, which must provide land, power, communications facilities, and environmental clearance, do not cooperate. There is an urgent need to study caefully how such bottlenecks can be removed. o Third, there is a need for a shift in the production structure towards more labor intensive industries. The share of capital goods imports in total imports is rather small in India when compared with China and other fast-growing countries in East Asia. This, combined with the fact that India’s import-to-GDP ratio is small, suggests that India is far more deeply into the production of capital goods than China and other comparator countries. In late 1970s and early 1980s, China also suffered from this problem and adopted policies to change the structure of production in favor of labor intensive goods. An important part of this strategy was targeting of a few – 14 sectors, especially for exports. this route. For India, it is perhaps unwise to follow Given the country’s generally neutral and rules-based approach to reforms, it is perhaps best to rely on the standard trade policy tools, particularly the structure of tariffs. Recent reduction in tariffs on capital goods should help move the economy towards more labor intensive goods. What is needed is resistance to policies that reverse the impact of this policy change. In particular, there is need for labor-market reforms. The country will not be able to take advantage of low wages of skilled and unskilled labor unless potential investors are sure that they can operate factories around the year without fears of recurrent labor disputes. This fear has been behind the highly capital intensive technologies chosen by investors in recent years. Fourth, duty exemptions for assembly type operations combined with rapid processing of imported inputs and materials by customs authorities made a significant contribution to China’s export growth. In India, duty exemptions for exporters exist but an improvement in their administration and simplification of procedures leading to speedy processing by customs will help boost exports. Also, for small exporters who rely on duty drawbacks, delay in getting the drawback as well as in obtaining inputs from abroad are common. An improvement in this direction is also desirable. Fifth, it is important to note that China was welcoming of foreign investment for both domestic and foreign markets. Most of the incentives– tax holidays, lower fees on land use, flexibility in the employment of labor etc. ,–were available to all foreign investors. ventures, some extra incentives were provided. For export-oriented joint The lesson here is that – 15 fears of tariff-jumping type of foreign investment should not lead to erection of barriers. Instead, if the regime is to be tilted in favor of export-oriented foreign investments, it should be done through positive incentives. Imposition of barriers to foreign investment will only add noise to signals of openness that India has been sending. A final point concerns the importance of a â€Å"Hong Kong† connection. In India’s case, there are no geographic neighbors that are as economically dynamic as Hong Kong or Taiwan, Province of China. But through cultural ties, the most India can do is to attract investments from Indians in Hong Kong and Non Resident Indians (NRIs) elsewhere in the world. While this is obviously worth doing, India has to rely on a more diversified base of foreign investors. It may be argued that to meet the East Asian challenge, investors in the United States and Europe will be increasingly looking for sources of cheap labor. With its vast pool of cheap unskilled to middleMoreover, level skilled labor, India clearly fulfills this requirement. India’s economic and political institutions are also familiar to western investors. What is needed is more open policies, transparency, and infrastructure. If this can be accomplished, India may well become the primary export base for the United States and European Community in the 21st century. Arvind Panagariya an Indian national, was a Principal Economist in the Bank’s Trade Policy Division and is a Professor of Economics at the University of Maryland. He earned his PhD from Princeton. – 16 Direct foreign investment into China (billion dollars) Commitment 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 (first half) Cumulative, end 1991 5. 3 5. 6 6. 6 12. 0 14. 5 48. 9 Actual n. a. 3. 4 3. 5 4. 4 3. 4 20. 3 ——————————————————————- Sources: China Statistics Yearbook 1990, 1991, Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade, China. How to cite China Export Strategy, Papers

Saturday, December 7, 2019

Hades Essay Example For Students

Hades Essay Did you know that Hades is the richest god? He could buyanything. He has a lot of gold and he could buy Mexico or betterartillery for our country. Hades is the king of the Underworldand is married to Penelope. Hades can watch the country in hisUnderworld, and if someone breaks a law he can take them to theUnderworld where they will stay for the rest of their lives. Hades already rules the Underworld, dont you think he can rulethis country? Hades is the choice for President of the USA. Hades could solve a lot of the bad problems. He would knowwhat is going on. He could move the White House underground andwatch everybody from there. He wouldnt come up unless he had tocapture a criminal. He would take them underground just like hedid to Penelope. Since Hades is so rich he could just pay for more jobs andgive them to homeless people. People wouldnt have to pay fortaxes because Hades would. People wouldnt have to pay forelectricity because Hades would. He is so rich because he hasall these precious metals and gold. He has a gold chariot thathe and Penelope would ride in so people would know it was him. Hades can have his pet Cerberus, a three-headed dragontailed dog, guard the nations money and other stuff that mightneed to be guarded. So if anyone tries to rob it, they wont beable to get through. And for all the people who cant afford an education, Hadeswill pay for it so everybody is qualified for a job. So if your going to vote, vote for Hades, because he is thebest god for President. Why? Because he can solve a lot ofproblems and he can make this country a better place to live in.

Saturday, November 30, 2019

This report discuss Taguchis methods for quality Essay Example

This report discuss Taguchis methods for quality Paper Dr Genichi Taguchi was born in Takamachi, Japan in 1924, a city famous for the kimono industry. It was only natural for him to study textile engineering as he was expected to assume responsibility of the family kimono business. But in 1942 Taguchis draft notice came and between 1942-1945 he served in the Astronomical Department of the Navigational Institute in the Imperial Japanese Navy. After 1945 he worked in the ministry of public Health and Welfare and in the Institute of statistical Mathematics (Ministry of Education). While here he met a prize winning Japanese statistician Prof. Matosaburo Masuyama, who at the time was regarded by many as the best statistician. Under his guidance, Taguchis learned much of the use of orthogonal arrays and experimental design techniques. He also contributed to many industrial experiments that dealt with the production of penicillin, and the name Genichi Taguchi gained recognition. We will write a custom essay sample on This report discuss Taguchis methods for quality specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on This report discuss Taguchis methods for quality specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on This report discuss Taguchis methods for quality specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer In 1950, he was hired by the Electrical Communication Laboratory (ECL). During this time, both ECL and Bell Laboratories were developing cross bar and telephone switching systems. Working on the project for ECL provided Taguchi with plenty of opportunities for experimentation and data analysis. Six years later, Taguchi and ECL had completed the systems project. Around the same time, Bell Labs completed its version. Nippon ATT awarded a contract to ECL, however, for its superior production. During this period, Taguchi also found time to write Experimental Design and Life Test Analysis and Design of Experiments for Engineers (the result of working in the industry for six years). In 1960, the latter book helped earn him the Deming Prize for his contributions to the field of quality engineering. This is one of Japans most prestigious awards. Two years and a doctorate in science later, Taguchi wrote a second edition of Design of Experiments that introduced industrial research on the signal-to-noise ratio. He left the employ of ECL, but maintained his relationship in a consulting capacity. After becoming part of the associate research staff of the Japanese Standards Association, Taguchi founded the Quality Research Group. Since 1963, the group has met once a month to discuss industry applications. In 1962 Kyushu University awarded Taguchi with his PHD. When Aoyama Gakuin University in Japan invited him to teach in 1965, Taguchi said yesand stayed there for 17 years. Prior to Taguchis arrival, the University had no engineering department. Thanks in part to Taguchi, it now does. Dr. Taguchi developed the concept of the Quality Loss Factor in the early 1970s; he also published the third (current) edition of Design of Experiments By the early 80s, Taguchi was making a name for himself in the United States. Ford Motor Co. had been introduced to Taguchis methods via a Ford supplier. Ford was quite interested and Taguchi was invited to provide seminars for Ford executives in 1982. By 1983 he was executive director of the Ford Supplier Institute, Inc. (which would eventually change its name to the American Supplier Institute). Taguchi received two more awards in 1986. For his outstanding contributions to Japanese economics and industry, he received the Indigo Ribbon from the Emperor of Japan. This was followed by the International Technology Institutes Willard F. Rockwell Medal for combining engineering and statistical methods to achieve rapid improvements in cost and quality by optimising product design and manufacturing processes. ASQ is not the only quality organization to bestow honorary membership on Taguchi. In 1995, the Japanese Society of Quality Control honoured him with a like membership.

Tuesday, November 26, 2019

Gravimetric Analysis Definition

Gravimetric Analysis Definition Gravimetric analysis is a collection of  quantitative analysis laboratory techniques  based on the measurement of an analytes mass. One example of a  gravimetric analysis technique  can be used to determine the amount of an ion in a solution by dissolving a known amount of a compound containing the ion in a solvent to separate the ion from its compound. The ion is then precipitated or evaporated out of solution and weighed. This form of gravimetric analysis is called precipitation gravimetry. Another form of gravimetric analysis is volatization gravimetry. In this technique, compounds in a mixture are separated by heating them to chemically decompose the specimen. Volatile compounds are vaporized and lost (or collected), leading to a measurable reduction on the mass of the solid or liquid sample. Precipitation Gravimetric Analysis Example In order for gravimetric analysis to be useful, certain conditions must be met: The ion of interest must fully precipitate from solution.The precipitate must be a pure compound.It must be possible to filter the precipitate. Of course, there is error in such an analysis! Perhaps not all of the ion will precipitate. They may be impurities collected during filtration. Some sample may be lost during the filtration process, either because it passes through the filter or else is not recovered from the filtration medium. As an example, silver, lead, or mercury may be used to determine chlorine because these metals for insoluble chloride. Sodium, on the other hand, forms a chloride that dissolves in water rather than precipitates. Steps of Gravimetric Analysis Careful measurements are necessary for this type of analysis. Its important to drive away any water that may be attracted to a compound. Place an unknown in a weigh bottle that has its lid cracked open. Dry the bottle and sample in an oven to remove water. Cool the sample in a desiccator.Indirectly weigh a mass of the unknown in a beaker.Dissolve the unknown to produce a solution.Add a precipitating agent to the solution. You may wish to heat the solution, as this increases the particle size of the precipitate, reducing loss during filtration. Heating the solution is called digestion.Use vacuum filtration to filter the solution.Dry and weigh the collected precipitate.Use stoichiometry based on the balanced chemical equation to find the mass of the ion of interest. Determine the mass percent of the analyte by dividing the mass of analyte by mass of unknown. For example, using silver to find an unknown chloride, a calculation might be: Mass of dry unknown chloride: 0.0984Mass of AgCl precipitate: 0.2290 Since one mole of AgCl contains one mole of Cl- ions: (0.2290 g AgCl)/(143.323 g/mol) 1.598 x 10-3 mol AgCl(1.598 x 10-3)x(35.453 g/mol Cl) 0.0566 g Cl (0.566 g Cl)/(0.0984 g sample) x 100% 57.57% Cl in unknown sample Note lead would have been another option for the analysis. However, if lead had been used, the calculation would have needed to account for the fact one mole of PbCl2 contains two moles of chloride. Also note, error would have been greater using lead because lead is not completely insoluble. A small quantity of chloride would have remained in solution instead of precipitating.

Friday, November 22, 2019

Brazil 2 Essay Research Paper On January

Brazil 2 Essay, Research Paper On January 12, 1999, over a billion dollars fled Brazil. Three yearss subsequently, the Central Bank attempted to convey about a limited devaluation of the Brazilian currency, the existent, but it failed to forestall a free autumn. Over the following two yearss, another $ 3 billion was pulled out, and by the terminal of the month, the existent had lost over 40 per centum of its value. The Central Bank president resigned, his replacement lasted a hebdomad, and as bad onslaughts continued, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, in some despair, sought out one of international moneyman George Soros # 8217 ; s closest associates, Arminio Fraga, for the occupation. Fraga used to pull off a fund that took stakes on macroeconomic alterations, such as currency devaluations in topographic points like Brazil. It was, as the Brazilian imperativeness pointed out, a instance of seting the fox among the poulets. The mentality for 1999 is inexorable. Brazil is confronting a deep recession and a return of rising prices ; go oning volatility in the value of its currency ; a political cat battle over financial reform statute law in Congress ; acute emphasis in the relationship between the federal authorities and the provinces ; the hazard of defaults on province and federal authorities debt every bit good as in the private sector ; and astronomic and unsustainable involvement rates. For Brazil # 8217 ; s spouses in Mercosurthe common market that joins Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Brazil-its dip into recession and the quantum spring in the monetary value of their ain exports in the Brazilian market ( particularly for Argentina, which has locked its ain currency into a one-to-one relationship with the U.S. dollar by agencies of a currency board ) has put tremendous strains on the fledgling trade axis. Other Latin American authoritiess worried that investors would non distinguish between Brazil and the remainder of the part, decelerating down entree to the foreign capital needed to run into their ain adoption demands. The remainder of the universe grew fearful of # 8220 ; contagion. # 8221 ; For the International Monetary Fund ( IMF ) and the U.S. Treasury ( and finally the American taxpayer ) , which gambled in November 1998 that a immense $ 41.5 billion bundle of many-sided aid for Brazil would prolong the value of the existent, the realisation began to d rop in that, as with Russia, good money might good hold been dropped one time once more into yet another bottomless cavity. The Fall from Grace How did Brazil acquire into this sorry province? Who or what was to fault? The autumn from grace was dramatic, to state the least. Merely a twelvemonth earlier, this huge South American state of 167 million people, with the universe # 8217 ; s eighth largest economic system, had seemed steadfastly set on the way to a more comfortable, modern, and even just hereafter. It was led by a linguist, internationally minded leader of high intelligence who was hailed in European capitals and in Washington as the original of the new Latin American leader who would draw the part steadfastly into the new universe envisioned by the # 8220 ; Washington consensus # 8221 ; -a universe of free trade, unfastened markets, privatized province corporations, and booming democracies. Get downing in late 1994, Brazil had broken the old form of hyperinflation by the adept debut of a new currency-the real-which was tied to the U.S. dollar but allowed to fluctuate within a narrow set. The immediate positive effects were rapidly felt by the Brazilian population, particularly those who lived precariously on the border of destitution. For the first clip in decennaries hapless people had hard currency in their pockets that retained its value, and could non merely purchase more nutrient but besides consumer goods. The impudent side of this rose-colored image was heavy adoption on the international fiscal markets- # 8221 ; external nest eggs # 8221 ; as the economic experts put it with Orwellian bewilderment. Brazil was non entirely in this game, since it was an built-in portion of the new equation whereby the liquidness of planetary capital flows made such shortage financing extremely profitable. Brazil was, after all, now an # 8220 ; emerging market, # 8221 ; and a really large one at that. It was no longer # 8220 ; 3rd universe # 8221 ; or # 8220 ; underdeveloped # 8221 ; or even # 8220 ; developing, # 8221 ; much less a state with a history, establishments, and a immature democracy agitating off the bequest of two decennaries of autocratic regulation. To money directors in New York, London, and Frankfurt, and progressively Madrid and Lisbon, it was a topographic point where bad investing promised double-digit returns. Financing shortages of one type or another, and at all degrees of the domestic economic system, every bit good as prolonging the instability in external payments was what everyone did with the foreign capital thrown at them-Brazilians no less than Indonesians. But in the existent economic system itself, a strong Brazilian currency made Brazilian exports expensive and beguiled the Brazilian authorities into complacence in the one country in which it needed to acquire its house in order rapidly if the state was to prolong the new economic theoretical account over the long draw: its chronic inability to roll up sufficient grosss to cover outgos at the federal, province, and municipal degrees, and its every bit dramatic inability to incorporate outgos on forces, pensions, and politically divine porc. So long as the universe did non look excessively closely at the inside informations all was good, but when the Asiatic crisis hit, and Russia defaulted, the flow of easy money dried up nightlong. In the immediate wake of the Russian crisis, Brazil spoke tough words about financial reform, and for a clip Wall Street and the U.S. Treasury were tranquilized. But Brazil did non present. In fact, it did the antonym. President Cardoso had changed the fundamental law in 1997 so that he could seek an unprecedented 2nd term. And with elections in the offing, shortages escalated as politicians at all degrees made certainly that if a president could be reelected, so could they. Postponing the Crisis The U.S. Treasury-to which policy with regard to Latin America had been mostly ceded by the State Department-unsurprisingly saw the suave Cardoso, and non the gruff brotherhood leader Luiz Inacio Lula district attorney Silva, as its presidential campaigner of penchant in Brazil. And with the fiscal markets spooked by renewed frights about the wellness of the international fiscal system, it took the lead in crafting a mega-package of IMF support merely as the electoral run in Brazil reached its flood tide last October. The U.S. Congress was at the clip preoccupied with Iraq and the at hand impeachment of President Clinton, something an anon. U.S. Treasury functionary noted with some alleviation at the clip. But the crisis was postponed, non eliminated. In order to keep capital flight after the Russian fiasco in August 1998, Brazil had raised involvement rates to 40 per centum a twelvemonth. With shortages go oning, this served to balloon duties at all degrees, public and private. Legislation was already on the books to compel the province governors and city managers to populate within their agencies, but it had non been enforced. The colossal duties accumulated by the terminal of 1998 included involvement on public debt that was three times higher than entire direct foreign investing for that twelvemonth. Social security payments in 1998 amounted to more than twice the amount the authorities received from denationalizations. And the $ 25 billion that disappeared from its militias between August and October 1998 were three times what Brazil earned in exports over the same period. There is another spot of history the IMF seems to hold neglected to notice: Brazil # 8217 ; s record of conformity with IMF understandings is abysmal. Six Brazilian presidents have signed six IMF understandings since the late fiftiess. Not one of them was fulfilled. In the Mexican bailout of 1994, the IMF money was collateralized with crude oil grosss. The recent Brazilian bailout was collateralized with promises. This was non merely a # 8220 ; moral hazard. # 8221 ; It was obviously dense. The effects of the loss of cardinal secret agents on whom President Cardoso had relied for political clout and economic expertness besides became distressingly evident as the twelvemonth ended. The unexpected deceases over the old months of both his prime intimate and political influence peddler, Sergio Motta, the communications curate ( a key place in the authorities because of the megaprivatization of the telecommunications sector in 1998 ) , and of Luiz Eduardo Magalhaes, the authorities # 8217 ; s whip in the lower house of Congress, robbed Cardoso of his eyes and ears, every bit good as two really large sticks. Luiz Eduardo was the favourite boy of the powerful president of the Senate, Antonio Carlos Magalhaes, and progressively was seen as Cardoso # 8217 ; s heir apparent. ( The younger Magalhaes had the support of his ambitious, doting, and, if need be, ruthless father, a factor that would hold contained the challenges from other politicians looking toward the presidential e lection in 2002. ) The economic squad had blown apart as old friends in and outside the authorities were caught on tape in a bugging dirt trading inside chitchat about denationalization commands. In mid-January 1999, two hebdomads after Cardoso # 8217 ; s 2nd startup, the speculators returned with a retribution and the long-feared crisis erupted with ruinous effects. By the terminal of the month, Brazil had lost in capital flight more than it had gained in promised budget cuts. The first tranche of the IMF expense of $ 9.32 billion released in December equaled the sum of exposure to Brazil the large U.S. money centre Bankss had cut back since the program was announced, and Brazil, non surprisingly, was back at the trough seeking more money with a new set of promises. But with confusion reigning in Brasilia, this clip President Cardoso found really few who would accept his words at face value. Disquieted squads of IMF technocrats arrived to concentrate over the books and seek more budget cuts and higher involvement rates: the old expression that had helped intensify the crisis in the first topographic point. Cardoso put the challenge bluffly in private remarks to his advisers: # 8220 ; If this bundle of asceticism steps is non approved, the authorities, I, you, and the Congress will be in the rubbish bin within six months. # 8221 ; All Was Ashes During the tallness of the terror in January, President Cardoso, borrowing from Winston Churchill # 8217 ; s celebrated wartime exhortation, radius of the demand for # 8220 ; blood, perspiration, and tears. # 8221 ; Later, it became evident that Brazilian Bankss had made more net income in January than had the whole Brazilian banking system over the old twelvemonth. Elio Gaspari, the Brazilian political editorialist, pointed out that non merely had President Cardoso forgotten to add Sir Winston # 8217 ; s name to # 8220 ; difficult work, # 8221 ; but that he could besides hold evoked another Churchillianism to explicate what had happened that month in Brazil: neer before had so much been given by so many to so few in so short a clip. The Brazilian population # 8217 ; s choler that the existent program had collapsed is non hard to explicate. Brazil # 8217 ; s recent history is littered with failed economic plans and derelict currencies. Brazilians had hoped against all hope that this clip the existent was for existent. Even its name was now an insult. And Brazil had had more than its just portion of political letdowns as good. Tancredo Neves, Brazil # 8217 ; s first civilian president since the military putsch of 1964, indirectly elected by Congress in 1985, was a hardy figure of the resistance to the military government. But he died of bosom failure before he was inaugurated and was succeeded by his frailty president, Jose Sarney, a politician who had long supported the military government in Congress. The first straight elected president, Fernando Collor de Mello, who was elected in 1990 with high hopes of overhauling Brazil, was tripped up by the deep-rooted wonts of the little backward province he came from. He was impeached in a corruptness dirt and succeeded in 1992 by his frailty president, the fickle Itamar Franco. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who was foremost elected to the presidential term in October 1994, had sought his 2nd term on the footing of the existent program # 8217 ; s success. Now all was ashes. Having been reelected to the presidential term merely three months before with over 50 per centum of the ballot, Cardoso saw his blessing evaluation in the polls bead below 22 per centum by the terminal of January 1999. Many perceivers have been speedy to impute the Brazilian crisis to # 8220 ; politics. # 8221 ; Certainly there is a big portion of political relations involved, as in any democracy. But to impute the failure to politics entirely handily avoids the more hard inquiries about the sustainability of the economic theoretical account itself. Nor did the obstructions Brazil faces in implementing reform Begin with the January moratorium on debt payments by the province of Minas Gerais declared by its governor, Itamar Franco, the former Brazilian president. It was as Franco # 8217 ; s finance curate that Cardoso had introduced the existent program in 1994. Franco had long been irritated that Cardoso got all the recognition, some of which he felt he deserved. The personal hostility was existent, but on taking office, Franco found that 80 per centum of his grosss were needed for province wages, 33.8 per centum for active and retired pensions, and 12.5 per centum on debt payments -for a sum of over 126 per centum of expected income. At least 13 other provinces were in similar passs, including several of the most of import 1s under resistance governors. Minas Gerais, Brazil # 8217 ; s third most of import province in footings of its economic system and one of the most of import in footings of its political relations, therefor e faced a crisis in its histories that many other major Brazilian provinces besides faced. The difference was that Itamar Franco put a really confrontational spin on his default because he resented President Cardoso and had been humiliated by him, and saw nil to derive by adjustment when confrontation would impel him back into the spotlight. Ironically, Franco was nominally a member of the alliance of parties that supposedly supported Cardoso # 8217 ; s disposal. More softly, Olivio Dutra, the governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil # 8217 ; s 2nd largest province in economic footings, who is a member of the resistance Worker # 8217 ; s Party, obtained an injunction from the Supreme Court leting him to put his debt to the federal authorities in escrow and avoid being declared # 8220 ; in arrears, # 8221 ; which would trip the impounding of federal transportations to his province. Therefore, when all the governors except Franco met with Cardoso at the terminal of February, the president was obliged to acknowledge that their state of affairs was unstable and needed federal support. Federal-state tensenesss were in fact bound to break out in early 1999, given the chronic status of province authorities fundss. But this is besides an old narrative that resurrects a potentially unsafe struggle. The flux between cardinal and regional power has marked Brazilian history since the early 19th century, and it is a critical constituent of the current crisis. Brazilian cardinal authoritiess have frequently been required to pacify the formidable involvements of the parts, and policymaking in Brazil, even at the best of times, is at its nucleus a complicated dialogue over the distribution of resources between the centre and the powerful province foremans. Brazil is a complex state, larger than the immediate United States, with strong regional power centres, an entrenched bureaucratism, and legal and administrative systems with a formidable tradition of corporative self-defense. Party association has been less of import at the national degree than the entree to the power and resources that a congressional or senatorial place brings with it. Brazilian political parties lack subject and trueness, and the particular involvement groups-whether they be bankers, rural landholders, pensionaries, evangelicals, or civil servants-tend to back up single senators and congresswomans instead than parties, which are decrepit organized at the national degree and to a great extent dependent on backing at the province degree. This state of affairs is farther aggravated by the immense dimensions of electoral territories -covering full states-which makes runs really expensive, even by U.S. criterions. By the late eightiess, for case, successful congressional campaigners in Sao Paulo were passing on mean $ 600,000 per place. In that same period in the United States, successful congressional campaigners were passing $ 393,000. Given this world, the popularity of Brazil’s president is critical to his ability to obtain consequences in Congress. An unpopular president, or a feeble duck president, rapidly loses authorization. President Cardoso is both a feeble duck and profoundly unpopular. Not a healthy state of affairs in a clip of crisis. The Transition Game In the past decennary and a half, Brazil moved off from one of Latin America # 8217 ; s longest periods of military regulation ; but its passage from military to civilian regulation came approximately through a procedure of dialogue instead than rupture. Many of the civilian politicians who cooperated with the armed forces during their 21 old ages of regulation moved seamlessly into the more pluralistic system established after 1985 and were cardinal participants in the authorship of Brazil # 8217 ; s 1988 Constitution. While the 1988 Constitution enshrined many societal and political rights, it besides retained, at the insisting of the military and powerful regional oligarchs who had benefited from military regulation, a cardinal instability in which the more traditional, more rural provinces of the North and nor-east were overrepresented to the hurt of the more developed industrialised provinces of the South and sou-east, where the chief political resistance to the military autho ritiess had ever existed. The 1988 Constitution besides provided protections to administrative officials and the organized or corporative sectors of society, doing administrative reform hard and supplying extraordinary benefits to those entrenched within the authorities setup in a state where 1000000s still lived in low poorness and the distribution of income was among the worst in the universe. The postmilitary fundamental law became a Christmas tree of entitlements. It besides mandated the distribution of revenue enhancement grosss off from the centre to the provinces. The provinces, because they could utilize their deputations in Congress to barricade efforts to command extra outgos and compel the federal authorities to absorb the costs of turn overing over their debts, faced few obstructions to a monolithic escalation of outgos with small respect for their ability to cover these outgos from their ain resources. The formidable alterations Brazil was sing with urbanisation, greater political engagement, and wider entree to instruction and to the media and engineering were at the same time giving a voice to progressively larger sectors of the Brazilian population. And as new voices emerged in the more pluralistic environment of the mid1980s and 1990s, the political game became even more complicated and more ideological, with freshly independent brotherhoods, spiritual groups, autochthonal motions, adult females # 8217 ; s organisations, environmental militants, a powerful and more critical imperativeness, and a formidable motion of landless rural workers all stimulating civil society and disputing the old oligarchic manner of determination devising and political representation. Therefore, the crisis that hit at the beginning of 1999 resulted from the convergence of three developments: the load of the province setup and its rigidnesss ; the jussive moods of the political calendar ; and a unsafe exposure to external conditions. The 1988 Fundamental law, because it had incorporated such a high grade of specificity on societal every bit good as political rights, made policy inquiries, which in other political systems could be resolved by statute law, weighty affairs of constitutional amendment, thereby puting really high barriers to governmental reform by necessitating a cumbrous procedure of constitutional alteration. This involved achieving two back-to-back 60 per centum ballots in each house of Congress, virtually guaranting holds in the passage of any steps for which seasonableness was indispensable, and doing any such steps highly dearly-won for the authorities in footings of the Equus caballus trading needed to roll up sufficient ballots to go through the amendments. The unmanageable procedure led necessarily to the usage of # 8220 ; probationary steps, # 8221 ; mechanisms retained in the 1988 Constitution # 8217 ; s Article 62 at the insisting of the military and its Alliess during the passage from autocratic regulation. Under this article, the president could enforce steps with the force of jurisprudence for a 30-day period. The existent program itself was implemented by these agencies. In theory, probationary steps could be rejected if Congress did non go through enabling statute law within 30 yearss. In pattern, presidents merely reissued them. The stoping in 1995 of # 8220 ; indexation, # 8221 ; by which wages had been adjusted at the terminal of each month to the rising prices index of the old month and which contributed mightily to Brazil # 8217 ; s hyperinflation, was besides achieved by agencies of a # 8220 ; probationary step # 8221 ; reissued 47 times. In his first three old ages in office, in fact, President Cardoso issued 1,800 probationary steps, including 1,698 reissued edicts. Merely 90 were transformed into jurisprudence. This made Congress progressively determined to deprive the president of such powers in any revising of the fundamental law itself. This means that the tradeoff for simplifying the fundamental law, which all agree is indispensable to do the system map more expeditiously, will be necessarily marked by attempts to deprive the Brazi lian president of the very constitutional mechanisms that had made possible any forward advancement at all over the past decennary. The intractableness of societal security reform encapsulates the jobs of outgos and particular involvement authorizations. To give but two sensitive and politically explosive illustrations: The military contributes R $ 100 million to societal security yearly, while military benefits cost R $ 7.2 billion. In the metropolis of Sao Paulo, pensions absorb two-fifths of the public safety budget. The military constabulary of the metropolis entirely have 35,000 pensionaries, one for every two work forces on active responsibility. With 53 functioning colonels, the metropolis supports 100 retired colonels roll uping pensions. Chronic Insecurity and Public Order But to cut outgos such as this, in a state of affairs where most Brazilians already face chronic insecurity, can be really unsafe to public order. In late 1997, sometimes violent constabulary work stoppages erupted in several Brazilian provinces, including in Alagoas, where the constabulary had been unpaid for over seven months by the belly-up local disposal. The mean authorities pension is eight times higher than private-sector pensions. And those received by sitting congresswomans are 30 times higher on norm than what the mean pensionary receives. Pensioners, in fact, organize the largest anteroom in Congress. Therefore, the power to paralyse the disposal of authorities prevarications to the full in the custodies of those who most benefit from this state of affairs and have the most to lose by its reform. Federal civil retainers, who contribute R $ 3.3 billion yearly, be the system R $ 12.8 billion a twelvemonth. The state of affairs at the province degree is small better. The provinces spend on norm 30 per centum of their paysheets on inactive and retired workers and lasting partners. Not surprisingly, the cutbacks in pension payments promised to the IMF-a mere R $ 3 billion in 1999-are derisory in face of the degree of debt and unfunded duties in the societal security system. As if these rigidnesss were non plenty, the timetable of political relations besides made reform surety to the electoral calendar. President Cardoso had succeeded in altering the fundamental law so that he could run for a 2nd back-to-back term-a traditi on even the military swayers had neer attempted to alterbut this mortgaged reform to political aspiration. Cardoso # 8217 ; s statement was that reform could expect the 2nd authorization when it would be his primary aim. The job was that any hold in steming the financial hemorrhaging of the province became highly expensive once the demand to retain # 8220 ; investor assurance # 8221 ; became paramount. This required that Brazil pay astronomical involvement rates to keep capital flight in the self-contradictory belief that this would prolong the strong belief among aliens that it retained the ability to serve its debts, something the inordinate involvement rates made progressively improbable. This critical factor was masked non merely in the IMF plan itself but besides in the coverage on the concern pages, which spoke about switching primary shortages into excesss without quantifying what this entailed or ciphering what the involvement on these authorities adoptions involved. But involvement, more than per centums, was a key to the intensifying crisis. The load of debt rapidly attained unsustainable degrees. Yet because of the planetary crisis of liquidness and the hazards it posed, the fiction that all was good in Brazil needed to be sustained, and it was-at least until the planetary system could be inoculated against the possible impact of a Brazilian clang and President Cardoso was safely reelected. Time magazine put Alan Greenspan, Robert Rubin, and Lawrence Summers on its January 27, 1999 screen, proclaiming these # 8220 ; Three Marketeers # 8221 ; as the work forces who # 8220 ; had saved the world. # 8221 ; Possibly the editors meant Wall Street. Surely the U.S. edition of Time contained non a word of describing from most of the universe South and E of Manhattan, where that message of rescue might hold seemed hollow at best. The Fiction Is Over What are the hazards now that the fiction is over? The section of the population that is most threatened by a return of rising prices and recession are the 19 million people who during the mid-1990s, deriving from the stableness brought approximately by the existent program, had moved into the emerging lower in-between category. As electors, many of these people provided solid support for President Cardoso # 8217 ; s reelection. But they excessively had became hooked on recognition, much of it linked in the little print to the dollar. They are the most vulnerable to the new state of affairs, and the most volatile. An acute battle over land and belongings has been developing on the rural frontiers for over a decennary. Here, the landless rural workers motion comprises the most organized and radicalized sections of the Brazilian population. Rural workers have long claimed that Cardoso # 8217 ; s policies were unsustainable. Industrial workers have been under force per unit area since 1995, the inundation of imports and the consolidation of the fabrication sector holding forced many out of stable employment into the informal sector. The brotherhoods, fearful of arousing more occupation losingss in the face of worsening chances have preferred dialogue over confrontation, but this excessively could alter. Brazil is besides a state where over a million people seek to come in the work force each year-they will hold minimum chances in the foreseeable future-a serious long-run job for an economic system that needs rapid growing if it is to both absorb workers and vie in an progressively competitory universe market. On all these counts, Brazil will fall behind in the new planetary economic system, non leap frontward as many had hoped. At the terminal of 1998, unemployment in greater Sao Paulo stood at an all-time high of 18.3 per centum. It can merely acquire worse in the face of a contraction of the economic system and the intensifying recession. Bankruptcies and defaults will be ineluctable in both the populace and private sectors. It is hard to see where the federal authorities in peculiar can cut farther, since its ability to utilize financial agencies is limited by political and societal restraints, and its pecuniary policy is hostage to the domestic debt load. The secondary market in province and municipal securities, valued at some R $ 9 billion, came to a practical arrest in February, as an increasing figure of authoritiess in all countries of Brazil failed to pay their duties on adulthood. The decrease of the stock of dollars in the commercial bank caissons threatens Brazilian importers and companies with abroad committednesss, which are estimated to be $ 13.5 billion for the first one-fourth of 1999 alone. The current history shortage reached about $ 35 billion for 1998 despite the $ 9.32 billion initial payment from the IMF bundle. Brazil # 8217 ; s external funding demands in 1999 are estimated to be in the part of $ 52 billion. With the 2nd tranche of $ 9 billion due in March 1999, this will intend that about 44 per centum of the IMF bundle has already been committed. The state # 8217 ; s entire foreign debt interim stands at over $ 230 billion, and its domestic public debt, as of this authorship, in March 1999, exceeds R $ 500 billionroughly equal to the entire buying power of the 28 million households that make up the Brazilian center and lower center classesand is lifting rapidly due to the expensive involvement that must be paid. Almost 20 per centum of this debt is dollar linked, and 70 per centum must pay nightlong rates. This barbarous rhythm means that a one per centum point rise in the involvement rate-and the IMF wanted the involvement rates to lift to 70 percent-forces the authorities to presume an excess R $ 1-2 billion in debt service costs. It is non hard to see the clefts already seeable at the province degree rapidly turning into canons. If # 8220 ; fume and mirrors # 8221 ; had enveloped the IMF bundle in the first topographic point, the same applies two-fold to its failure. As an functionary of the Group of Seven industrialized economic systems told Stephen Fidler of the Financial Times in October 1998, # 8220 ; There is one thing worse than failure and that # 8217 ; s failure that takes a batch of your money and credibleness with it. # 8221 ; So it was barely surprising that the IMF declared rapidly in January 1999, after the value of the existent had collapsed, that the # 8220 ; float # 8221 ; of the existent was the best policy for Brazil, even though the # 8220 ; care of the current exchange rate government # 8221 ; had been a cardinal board of its bailout bundle announced the old November. Or that the R $ 28 billion Brazil finally cut from outgos under force per unit area of the currency crisis was hailed in Washington as grounds of conformity with IMF directives, despite the fact that these figures had been predicated on # 8220 ; care # 8221 ; of the existent # 8217 ; s value. But one time once more, no 1 wanted to look excessively closely in the involvements of restoring # 8220 ; assurance, # 8221 ; much less talk about it. The world was that the old figures were shot. U.S. Treasury secretary Robert Rubin had said of the bailout bundle in November, # 8220 ; This should make it. # 8221 ; It had non. George Soros told the one-year assemblage of worthies at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in February 1999 that what Brazil needed from the international fiscal community was a # 8220 ; wall of money # 8221 ; -in add-on, presumptively to the $ 41.5 billion already committed by the IMFled bundle. On March 8, in Washington the IMF announced yet another memoranda of understanding with the Brazilian authorities. Cardoso, it said, promised to cut down Brazil # 8217 ; s public debt ratio to GDP ; addition excesss ; increase monetary values of domestic energy ; cut down federal outgos ; # 8220 ; retrench # 8221 ; with regard to province employees ; privatise more province companies and province Bankss ; promote the # 8220 ; voluntary committednesss of foreign Bankss # 8221 ; ; and publish more bonds. On the same twenty-four hours in Rio de Janeiro, Cardoso, speech production at the Superior War College, was more equivocal, particularly about the denationalization of Petrobras, the province crude oil company, and other cardinal province endeavors. # 8220 ; If this is utile to excite the markets, so be it. But it does no good for Brazil to fantasy about paths that are non needed, # 8221 ; he told the generals whose societal security parts he had merely promised the IMF he would increase. Possibly he assumed the generals did non read English-or Wall Street bargainers Portuguese-a unsafe given in the age of the cyberspace. But looking at Brazil # 8217 ; s black chances, Soros knows of what he speaks. With involvement rates at 45 per centum, rising prices in the month of February making 7.65 per centum, and 2 million unemployed between the ages of 15 and 24 in Greater Sao Paulo, his former plus director, Arminio Fraga, now Brazil # 8217 ; s Central Bank president, to whom the state # 8217 ; s economic policy has been mostly ceded, will hold his custodies full. So excessively will the # 8220 ; Three Marketeers # 8221 ; if Brazil fails to convert flighty investors that it is back on path, if it is forced to fall back to capital controls, or even defaults, as the twelvemonth progresses, and Western taxpayers finally wake up to the manner their revenue enhancements have been gambled on a mission impossible.

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Discuss the major problems facing elderly in China and how does the Essay

Discuss the major problems facing elderly in China and how does the government solve these problems - Essay Example Facts and discussion presented in this paper are basically meant to illuminate the reality of the claim that â€Å"the old people in China are having grave socioeconomic problems due to the increasing rate of old population and the Chinese government is profoundly concerned about this issue.† In my opinion, this state or claim is unequivocally based on a factual and reality-based approach, which is backed up by authentic research reports that are discussed in this paper. 2. Major problems faced by the old Chinese community: It is mentioned in (Chinese Culture, 2011) that the population of old people over 60 years of age is about 128 million which suggests the existence of one old Chinese over 60 years in every ten people, and this rate of old population is the largest in the whole world. (Central News Agency, 2007) claims that the rate of old population is thought to increase up to 400 million in 2037. Naturally, the grave socioeconomic scenarios experienced are bound to be mo re exploiting and destructive with the growing number of old citizens. It is suggested by Wenfan (cited in Chinese Culture, 2011) that most of the problems are resulting from the shattered family structure. In old times, old parents used to be the utmost responsibility of their mid aged children and they always took great care to look after their myriad psychological and financial needs along with encouraging them to share the same house. Now, with excessive competitiveness and increased materialistic approach, meaning of relationships is getting fast forgotten with the result that none of the kids remain behind with their parents. (LaFraniere, 2011) mentions that more than half of the old Chinese population lives separately because younger generations are moving away from their old parents. Shortage of money is the biggest problem that the old Chinese population has to deal with and this problem is potentially capable of bringing with itself myriad critical psychological pressures. 3. Better accommodation facilities for old people ensured at governmental level: The accommodation problems are worth mentioning that were quite significant in the past but are gradually lessening now. With urbanized lifestyle getting famous in the adult children, they are increasingly worried by the heavy burden of their parents. That is why they choose to live separately at their own places. They are themselves found too preoccupied with their own problems, let alone coping with the needs of the old parents. Therefore, more and more old Chinese people are left alone and they deserve better and cheaper accommodation facilities. It is mentioned by (Xiao, 2011) that â€Å"few overseas enterprises have invested in China's vast market for care of the elderly.† Affording the best old houses was not imaginable for the elderly people a few years back, but now more and more old Chinese people reportedly return from abroad so that they can spend the rest of their lives in their own country. Efforts made at governmental level have brought a noticeable change. â€Å"The thought of returning home and purchasing a house to spend their remaining years has attracted an increasing number of Chinese people who are currently living abroad.† (Overseas Chinese Network, 2009). More combined and strengthened efforts from the families, the local communities,

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

GENCO product life-cycle reverse logistics support policy Research Paper

GENCO product life-cycle reverse logistics support policy - Research Paper Example The company has automated its operations that make it easier to handle loads and load of reverse goods that they are contracted for. GENCO has centralized its operations to manage goods sent to the customer through its systems. It ensures there are feedback and direct communication for fast flow of goods from the supplier or corporation to the customer. The company also has a system that conducts the reverse logistics from the retailer to the vendor. There is also a product recall management system within GENCO that deals with recalling of goods that are defective, spoilt or have been rejected due to other circumstances. There is also an inspection, repair and testing of the products that are to be sent to the customers. This is in the policy of the company of reverse logistics support. There is also recycling services under this policy of the company. The policy describes the recycling procedures that are an end – of – life process of the goods. It is aimed to maximize the reusing of all the components and the raw materials and also to regulate the disposal of the complainant. Logistics in GENCO has a policy that performs all these processes explained

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Virtue and Real Good Values Essay Example for Free

Virtue and Real Good Values Essay  · Select five values that are most important to you in making decisions.  · Write a 200- to 300-word response addressing the following questions: 1. Ambition 2. Compassion 3. Loyalty 4. Respect 5. Understanding 1. What commonalities do you see in the values you have chosen? The main commonalities I see in the five values I have chosen is that fact that it seems to be really good attributes in someone who really care about someone else. 2. How do these values affect your ethical decision-making? Which type of â€Å"ethical thinker† would you classify yourself as based on your chosen values? I really believe all the five values help me make an ethical decision. For example I would want a person that has ambition, compassion, loyalty, respect, and understanding to work for me. I think these values are important for everyday life. 3. What will you do when one or more of the values you have listed conflict? If one or more of these values conflicts, is time to analyze the situation and sit and re think the values I pick. Everything don’t work together you just got to find some value that work together. I feel these values will not conflict I think they are some real good values. 4. Reflect on the values of your organization or an organization you are familiar with. Are there any major differences between your personal values and the organization’s values? I feel that they are not no different between my values I have to use them every day in life. The values depend on the decision you make in everyday life. They can conflict but you have to find some values that will help with everything you are making a decision you are making in your life.

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Graduation Speech: Finding the Good Stuff :: Graduation Speech, Commencement Address

The culmination of a dozen years of formal education is at hand - a just cause for celebration! You have fulfilled a quantifiable set of requirements, but what did you really learn? You have demonstrated your ability to cope with deadlines, social stress, challenging situations, major life changes, and even smelly gym socks. Knowledge is the progeny of struggle. Every challenge and adverse situation you've endured has served to strengthen your adaptability and taught you valuable lessons. All of the events that have been shared with friends, educators and parents in the past four years are experiences that have been infused into each individual's sense of self and will continue to influence your future. You have reached the end of an era, yet that era will remain forever with you. As you venture out, hopefully instilled with the knowledge you have gained, the future will abound with new and challenging opportunities. As you begin a new stage of life, (and the beginning of the end of your life), I want to tell you something someone once told me: "You know, life is like a possum in a trash can." That was a new one on me! "Yeah," I said. "How?" "Well, if the possum just sits in the can, it'll scrounge on the tidbits on top. But if the can gets shaken and rolled around a bit, the possum can get to the really good slop at the bottom." At first it just sounded like one of those "You might be redneck if ..." cartoons, but then I realized that there was a pertinent message underlying the seemingly mundane adage. Don't be contented with the bare minimum - what's given to you, what's comfortable, what's familiar, what's easy - that's just grazing the top. Shake the can! You can be like that lazy possum and nibble on the discarded pudding wrappers, soggy Cheetos and wood shavings of yesterday. Or, you can seize the moment and rattle the can around to get at the licorice, fudge, chocolate truffle ice cream and half-eaten cheesecake of last week. The world holds much more to be experienced than it easily and readily delivers. Often times, school and social pressure condition us to think and act certain ways. Throughout our daily routines young people are pressured by society to think and act certain ways, to settle neatly into a niche that feels comfortable. Over time, we become accustomed to conforming to preconceived notions of what is expected and "normal.

Monday, November 11, 2019

Dysfunctional Families Essay

The term â€Å"Dysfunctional Family† to me means (very basically) a family that is impaired in its functioning, but still operates as a family, with the inherent love underneath all the neuroses and abnormalities. Dysfunctional families seem to have become the norm I believe. Part of the reason for this seems to be that many adult children are educators or counselors (adult children is the term for adults who are still functioning based on some of their childhood traumatic events). These adult children have evolved at a very high level intellectually but emotionally still carry unhealed wounds from their own childhood traumas. We should understand that dysfunctional families occur for many reasons. A family can become dysfunctional if any compulsive behavior is present, mental illness, rigid rules, religiosity and any situation where the outer circumstances seek control rather than facilitate the emergence of a strong inner sense of self, personal power, and life skill development. Emotional and verbal abuse are extremely destructive to one’s sense of self. The wounds for both are difficult to â€Å"make real.† Emotional abuse is less recognized, less understood, and more difficult to overcome. Dysfunctional families are universal. Addiction treatment professionals suggest 80-95 percent of families are dysfunctional to some degree. If the norm is dysfunctional, then what attributes describe a functional family? A functional family provides children with a safe and nurturing environment, supports learning during the different developmental stages, affirms the child’s worth and nurtures a sense of self confidence and autonomy. Those of us who grew up in a dysfunctional family or who were neglected or abused in different ways are disenfranchised in our grief. Our losses in childhood have not been honored; they have been disregarded. As children from dysfunctional families, we have disowned our true self; we did so to survive. I think that some children may even have a defunct family (one that was completely non-existing and dead). I wonder if â€Å"defunctional family† is a term ever used†¦if not, it should be. Rules of the dysfunctional family: While all families have rules, dysfunctional families have rigid rules which are often unspoken and unhealthy. These often include: Don’t talk (about what is really going on). Don’t trust anyone (but yourself). Don’t feel or have needs (because there is no one available to validate or respond to you). Deny there is a problem. Roles of a dysfunctional family: Family roles create special strengths in children from dysfunctional families but also â€Å"hide the scars† these children develop. These roles lead to patterns of behavior which can be problematic and difficult to let go in adulthood. These roles include: The responsible child or caretaker – attempts to maintain peace by assuming responsibility for the needs of their siblings and their parents. The family hero – is helpful within the family and successful outside of the family. The enabler – enables the alcoholic to continue drinking by covering up her or his deterioration. The scapegoat – diverts attention from the real family problems by acting out  and engaging in self-destructive behavior. They often act out the tension in the family. The clown – reduces the family’s tension with humor. The lost child – the child who copes by making as few waves as possible, their goal is to draw as little attention as possible. Growing up in a dysfunctional family can have a significant impact on adult functioning. Adults struggle with the following issues: Difficulty knowing what is â€Å"normal†, in part due to the absence of adequate adult role models. A tendency to be extremely self-critical as a result of having internalized frequent parental criticisms. In response to living with unpredictability, a strong need for control. Difficulty with intimate relationships due in part to inconsistent parental affection. Problems recognizing and expressing feelings. May confuse feelings or allow only certain feelings (sadness but not anger; anger, but not sadness). Difficulty expressing needs because they have lost touch with their own needs or are fearful of â€Å"burdening† others. An exaggerated sense of responsibility. Counter-productive perfectionism. A tendency to engage in â€Å"all or nothing† thinking and feeling. Having become accustomed in childhood to crises, feeling anxious when life seems like it is going okay. A tendency to be hyper-vigilant (keep their eye on everything, always worried). Fear of anger (their own and others). In response to parental abandonment or neglect, they develop the belief that they are not good enough, significant or lovable, and in the absence of a â€Å"good enough† sense of self are prone to feelings of shame and inadequacy. Difficulty being spontaneous and having fun. Those who did grow up in a dysfunctional family can also develop some unique strengths. These include: Increased ability to be empathic – to understand and care about others Heightened sensitivity & awareness. Tendency to take less for granted. Maturity, competence and the ability to solve problems and take charge. Greater commitment to having a healthy family and raising children with caring and compassion. Is my family dysfunctional? My family may not be dysfunctional, but I think the lifestyle and personality of my immediate family are responsible in many ways for my shyness. To put it simply, my parents are very quiet people. They don’t have, and never have had, a wide circle of friends, and they virtually never go out (apart from  the obvious, like shopping, eating, going to church and that). Because they were my role models during the early part of my life, I think I probably had trouble mixing with the other kids, (simply because I never saw them mix with other people) and this has kind of stuck with me throughout life. Not that I would say this sort of stuff to their face, because they are my folks and I love them dearly. I can only say that I’m glad I had the opportunity to move away from home, as I think it’s improved my life beyond all recognition.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Promotion Strategies

For many years I have been considering the idea of learning a foreign language: for example, Italian or Spanish. I was always interested in foreign languages and linguistics, especially in European languages of Latin origin. Besides, some of my far relatives have Italian roots and can speak Italian very good.I could hear this language occasionally since my childhood and was truly fascinated with its melodiousness and beauty. But, unfortunately, I did not have a good deal of free time for learning a second language when I was studying in high school, because I had to take care about my little brother.This summer when I was staying with my family in my home town, I saw an attractive bright advertisement in a local newspaper. This ad was informing people about opening new language learning facilities and inviting people to join the lessons. Unfortunately, the newspaper was a little old and I was late to enter the course. Nevertheless, to my mind, advertising in a newspaper was a good pr omotional idea, because it was necessary to attract attention of general public and inform target audience about opening the course.Three-four weeks later I bought a fresh newspaper and found there an article about that language school. The article was not only informing about opening some extra courses, but also presenting opinions of the students and interviews with some teachers. Publicity, as an element of promotional mix, was also quite successful technique, because a great deal of potential customers of such courses are young businessmen or officials, who plan to join international enterprises and are regular readers of newspapers.In addition, the author of the article gave detailed explanations as to the company’s discount policy. In particular, students and youth were offered up to 20% discount. Besides, those who could bring â€Å"a friend† as one more student of the course could receive extra 10% discount. Certainly, in such situation discounts are also among the most effective elements of sales promotion, because language courses can be interesting for students and even for teenagers, who can be financially embarrassed.Couple of days later I visited my favorite bookstore in the center of the city and saw there a promotion agent, who was distributing flyers and leaflets to potential students of the course. He also had a variety of other promotional materials: for example, he was giving a pen and a colorful notebook to the people, who were entering their names to his list and intended to join the course.Probably, this was a little less effective strategy, because there were not many people in the bookstore who could be really interested in language courses. But it was a good opportunity to talk to a representative of the school about the details of their programs.In addition, the company spent a lot of resources for advertising their services in Internet. An up-to-date site was created, which had all necessary information about the lesso ns and was quite easy to navigate.   Besides, I could see their banners and small ads on other local Internet sites, attracting attention of numerous Internet users. I suppose that this strategy could also bring good results, because nowadays everyone uses Internet and it is easy to reach potential customers through the web.Finally, there was one more very interesting promotional technique, which was directed not only on attracting new customers, but also on challenging and stimulating the students to achieve great success in learning languages. As I could learn from Internet site of the language school, they were going to award the best students of the courses with different prizes, including a trip to the West Rim of the Great Canyon. I suppose, this is one of the best promotional ideas, which can bring to very good outcomes.Unfortunately, I could not join the class of Italian because it would take me minimum three months to complete the first level. But I had to be back to univ ersity to continue my study. Nevertheless, it was an amazing opportunity for me to observe how different promotional strategies work and can be effective in this particular marketing environment. I have to admit that marketing specialists of the language school were very well qualified, and they managed to organize a very successful promotion campaign.Bibliography:PACE, Unit 15. (2001) Promotional Basics [Brochure]. The Center on Education and Training for Employment, The Ohio State University. OH: Columbus.

Thursday, November 7, 2019

A Writers Bookshelf

A Writers Bookshelf A Writers Bookshelf A Writers Bookshelf By Sharon No-one knows it all, and as a writer I use several sources of research for my articles and ebooks. Aside from the resources I use to research particular topics, there are also several essential books I need related to the craft of writing. Here are the books on my bookshelf which I couldnt do without. Dictionary My top pick for this is the Collins English Dictionary. Its an easy to read, clear format. I used to use the Oxford English Dictionary. I switched to the Collins because I was already using their French and Spanish dictionaries, so when it was time to update, it seemed a good idea to complete the set. Another good option (especially if youre American) is the Merriam Webster Dictionary. I sometimes use the online version of MW if I need to check something when Im not at my desk. Thesaurus Many people rave about Rogets Thesaurus. I find that hard to use, so my favorite is the Merriam-Webster thesaurus. Thats because it is easy to find the words for which I want to find synonyms. Again, MW online is a good option when on the move. Usage Every now and then you need to use a word, punctuation mark or expression, and youre not quite sure how to use it correctly. When this happens, I have two main sources. Ive been using the Oxford Dictionary for Writers and Editors since I started in journalism, and its never let me down. For a more fun approach to usage, theres also a more recent book by R L Trask called Mind The Gaffe. Published by Penguin, its a guide to some common errors in English. Finally, although I dont use it every day, I also keep a copy of the Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology handy. Its always useful to be able to find the origin of a word or expression. Just call me a word nerd. 🙂 Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Book Reviews category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:100 Idioms About NumbersFlier vs. FlyerComment, Suggestion, and Feedback

Monday, November 4, 2019

International Financial Reporting Standards Essay

International Financial Reporting Standards - Essay Example It includes the diversification from GAAP to IFRS which have to be adopted by the US in order to compliance with the Security and Exchange Commission, also provides knowledge why and how conversion enhances the reporting quality. The framework for the preparation and presentation of the financial statements adopted by the International Accounting Standard Board (IASB) is known as International Financial Reporting Standard, IFRS provides a procedure norms, rules and regulation that how to prepare and present the financial statements, what data must be included and what should be omitted. Most of the standards which come under the umbrella of IFRS are previously known as the International Accounting Standard (IAS). IAS was issued between 1973 and 2001 by the International Accounting Standard Committee. While General Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP) is also a standard framework of financial reporting, it includes the standard, convention, rules and regulation an accountant must follow in recording and summarizing transactions and in the making of financial statements. IFRS and GAAP have some similarities and differences which we will discuss later. IAS 2 elaborates the accounting treatment for inventories. The issue which arises often in this standard is when we intend to recognize the cost as an asset and carried forward it until related revenues are recognize. The cost formula assign for the cost of inventory is also prescribed in IAS-2. Basically there are two main methods of inventory valuation. i) First In First out (FIFO) which means the organization has to utilize its stocks which they have first in line. ii) Last In First out (LIFO) which means organizations have to use the last purchase stock first. Generally FIFO is for low Cost of Good Sold (COGS), high ending inventory so ultimately the bottom line will show a high net profit, while as far as LIFO is concerned, is for high COGS , low ending inventory and low net profit. Darrell Mullis and Judith Orloff elaborates practical examples of FIFO and LIFO in their book namely "The Accounting Game" which shows how FIFO leaves a positive impact over the net income and LIFO condensed the net profit or the profit after tax (PAT), Usually Companies uses LIFO method in order to save the Taxes. Differences are there between IFRS and GAAP, like adoption of LIFO method in IFRS is prohibited while under U.S GAAP, companies have the choice between LIFO and FIFO method. Some sort of similarities are also there between IFR

Saturday, November 2, 2019

Design research proposal Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Design research proposal - Essay Example The researcher will thus uncover the academic gap in this context and design an appropriate design that can effectively combine both the high and tech and the vending machine besides increased usability and convenience to curb the looming cases of disease since this is a public machine and hence serves various cohorts of individuals hence presenting higher chances of spread of contingency diseases. Vending machines are convenience common sources of snacks and beverages but most machines ignores healthy options. The foods and drinks in the vending machines have led to increased cases of obesity (public health problem). Youth and adults are at risks to develop type 2 diabetes, asthma, arthritis and heart disease. Despite the fact food vending machine avails food everywhere in America, food choices hazardous to health. Based on these limitation in the vending machine, there is an urgent need to unearth the possible effective design mechanism that if adopted will results in safety of vending machine users (The Nemours Foundation 2010). This can only be achieved through the incorporation of the high tech within the vending machine to curb the problem of spread of these catastrophic disease attached to faulty public vending machines. Many cities have thus designed effective restrictions and regulatory to the designers of these vending machines in order to meet the guideline requirem ents. It is upon this problems associated with most vending machines, the researcher seeks to investigate and design a machine that will minimize the spread of diseases associated with the public vending machines. The data collection through observation will be done both in the vending machine mall and the MU building on the University. The rationale for picking on these location was due to the mass coverage within short time. This will ensure observation’s effectiveness besides vast